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Call for papers #37 |
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Barahona, Renato. Sex Crimes, Honour, and the Law in Early Modern
Spain: Vizcaya, 1528-1735. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2003.
Pp. 274, $63.00, cloth.
The literary scholar Maria Tatar recently noted that the purpose of popular
folktales such as Cinderella is "to manage our cultural anxieties
and conflicts about courtship and marriage;" or, put more succinctly,
to create dialogues "about what is at stake in romance" (The
Annotated Brothers Grimm [New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2004],
115). Renato Barahona's contribution to the larger discussion of what
can happen legally when these things go wrong is an excellent and welcome
addition to the growing scholarship on Iberian and Ibero-American sexual
life. Acknowledging the work of previous authors such as Mary Elizabeth
Perry, Bartolomé Bennassar, Isabel Testón Núñez,
Allyson Poska, and Rafael Narbona Vizcaíno, Barahona has blazed
a singularly clear trail through the complex juridical files of over 350
cases involving sexual misconduct. His findings fit nicely into not only
what we know of Baroque Peninsular societies but also into the context
of European sexual norms. His book increases our conviction that Spanish
sex litigation was solidly placed within the larger field of Romano-canonical
law. Though varying regionally, its application formed the essential theme
on which communities throughout the continent choreographed their own
legal music, organizing the social dance of courtship, marriage, and romance,
or, on occasion, simply constraining sex itself or punishing sexual abuse.
Barahona's superb case-driven analysis benefits from clear contextualizations
and a careful, light-handed use of statistics. The book is constructed
along sequential lines, flowing from "courtship, seduction and abandonment,"
through a discussion of "the language of sex" (a significant
clarification to previous discussions), to a consideration of violence
and cohabitation in sexual crime. It finishes with a critically adroit
revision of commonplaces about Spanish "honor" based on how
the Vizcayan cases illustrate that honor was not a "zero-sum game"
(119) or gendered into a male honor of "social considerations"
versus a female one of "sexual virtue" (121). Women typically
claimed in their depositions that their victimization constituted "irreparable"
damage, but by successfully pressing charges against [their] victimizer,"
they proved they were "far from powerless" (154-55). Barahona
argues that many women's recourse to determined prosecution (of the crime
of estupro particularly, a multivalent term, mostly meaning the
non-compliance of betrothals but also encompassing rape) proves that the
simple dichotomy of the honorable versus the dishonored women was more
true in theater than in the law courts. Though lost honor might never
be regained, "a monetary award obtained through the courts would
enable a woman to marry and thereby regain a good measure of social respectability
and honourableness" (122). Furthermore, the Baroque literary topos
of family honor was almost never at stake in the lawsuits; rather, male
defendants, usually of a higher social rank than their female accusers,
struggled to undermine women's reputations while women sought in their
prosecution to increase the damages claimed. This seems to hold for cohabitation
cases as well. Honor, concludes Barahona, was "a commodity that could
be recovered pragmatically without violence" (165). Generally speaking,
the critical factor linking cohabitation, estupro, and most of
the other crimes Barahona discusses was their private, secretive nature,
which the public institution of marriage was intended to forestall. We
can now add seventeenth-century Vizcaya to the list of places where the
Tridentine sex-law reforms aimed precisely at preventing such private
marriages and cohabitations were applied only slowly and ambiguously.
The principal stakes, then, in failed and forced sexual relations seem
to have been money as compensation for lost honor. Few of those convicted
of estupro, for example, chose the punishment of marriage, and
opted instead for a payment of damages to their ex-fiancées. From
Barahona's evidence it is clear that prosecution resulted in "the
vast majority" of plaintiffs, 82.4 per cent, receiving less than
half of the damages they had sued for (147). Nevertheless, "few accusers
failed to secure something from their victimizers, a significant achievement
in light of the social disparity between the parties" (155). Perhaps,
in view of this prosecutorial effectiveness, Barahona might have reconsidered
how chapter 5's discussion of women's second victimization in the courtroom
prematurely attributes guilt to the defendants, some of whom were innocent
and thus themselves victims of calumny, a serious crime in reputation-sensitive
societies.
Significantly, Barahona contends that people and institutions failed to
clearly distinguish between consensual and coerced sex, suggesting "significant
levels of violence in sex" in early modern Spain (162). This impression,
however, might be due to any combination of three factors which require
further exploration (as Barahona himself admits). First, specific details
of the sex acts perpetrated are conspicuously absent in Spanish criminal
cases; second, the archival records on the whole are incomplete; and,
finally, our knowledge of the process of reasoned judicial decision-making
is defective. But it is clear that the Vizcayan evidence conforms to what
we know of Castilian sex crime. In fact, Barahona's reader is left wondering
whether we are not now prepared to take on the more comprehensive task
of constructing an understanding of this malleable though judiciously
consistent set of legal systems. The literature seems to prove that it
operated with regional variation but was based on a common-law construct
of Roman and medieval ecclesiastical principles, constituting a whole
that stretched from the Spanish courts in the Philippines through New
Spain to the Italian courts in Naples and beyond. There were Cinderellas
needing legal recourse everywhere.
Fabio López-Lázaro
Santa Clara University
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